The 12 Seats Question: Who Really Governs AJK?
Muhammad Hamza
Islamabad: A few weeks ago, protests erupted across Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), drawing attention to a long-standing political controversy: the 12 reserved refugee seats in the AJK Legislative Assembly.
The protesters’ demand is straightforward but contentious, they want these seats abolished.
At the heart of the debate lies a fundamental question: Who should have the right to shape AJK’s political future?
To understand the issue, it is important to examine how the AJK Assembly is structured. The Assembly consists of 53 members. Of the 45 elected seats, 33 are allocated to constituencies within AJK, while 12 are reserved for refugees from Jammu and Kashmir who reside in different parts of Pakistan, primarily Punjab.
These refugee representatives are not symbolic figures. They participate fully in the legislative process, vote on budgets and laws, and help determine who forms the government and becomes the Prime Minister of AJK.
For many residents of AJK, this arrangement raises serious questions about democratic representation.
Representation or Political Influence?
Supporters of reform argue that the 12 reserved seats have evolved beyond their original purpose of preserving the political voice of displaced Kashmiris.
Today, they function as a mechanism of political influence exercised by individuals who do not live in AJK and are not directly affected by its governance.
The argument is simple: residents who live, work, pay taxes, and raise families in AJK face the consequences of government decisions every day. They experience the realities of infrastructure shortages, electricity outages, healthcare challenges, and economic difficulties.
Refugee voters living elsewhere in Pakistan, critics argue, do not share these same experiences.
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This disconnect becomes particularly visible during budget debates. Decisions regarding resource allocation and development priorities can be influenced by representatives elected by voters who may have little direct stake in the day-to-day realities of AJK.
For many locals, this raises concerns about accountability and democratic fairness.
Critics further contend that the refugee constituencies provide Islamabad with an indirect channel of influence over AJK’s internal politics.
Representatives elected from refugee constituencies may naturally be more responsive to voters living outside AJK than to the people residing within it. Whether or not this perception is entirely accurate, it has contributed to growing public dissatisfaction.
The Historical Dimension
Yet the issue is not as simple as removing the seats and moving on.
The refugee constituencies exist for a reason. Families displaced after the partition of the subcontinent in 1947 endured immense hardship. They lost homes, land, communities, and livelihoods.
The reserved seats were created to preserve their political and emotional connection to Kashmir and to acknowledge their sacrifices.
For many refugee families, that connection remains deeply meaningful even after generations have passed.
This historical reality cannot be ignored. Eliminating the seats entirely could be viewed as severing a relationship that has been maintained for decades and remains central to the broader Kashmir narrative.
A Middle Path Forward
The challenge, therefore, is not choosing between democracy and historical recognition. It is finding a way to protect both.
One possible solution would be to transform the 12 refugee seats into non-voting or advisory positions. Representatives could continue participating in Assembly debates, raise issues affecting refugee communities, and maintain the historic connection between refugees and Kashmir. However, they would no longer influence government formation, budgets, or legislation that directly affects residents of AJK.
Another option would be the creation of a dedicated refugee welfare and rehabilitation fund operating independently of AJK’s political process. This would ensure continued support for refugee communities without linking that support to legislative influence.
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At the same time, refugees should continue enjoying full political rights within Pakistan’s national and provincial democratic systems, rights many already exercise. Their representation would remain protected while reducing concerns about overlapping political authority in AJK.
A gradual transition could also help avoid political disruption. Instead of immediate abolition, the number of reserved seats could be reduced over time through broad public consultation and political consensus, for example, from 12 to six, then to three, and eventually reassessed in light of future circumstances.
Democracy and Self-Governance
Ultimately, the debate over the 12 reserved seats reflects a broader conversation about self-governance and democratic legitimacy.
The core principle advanced by many protesters is that those who live in AJK should have the primary authority to determine its political future. In their view, democracy is strongest when decision-making power rests with those directly affected by government policies.
At the same time, preserving the dignity and historical recognition of refugee communities remains an important responsibility.
The challenge for policymakers is to balance these two objectives rather than treating them as mutually exclusive.
The current protests are about more than a constitutional provision or electoral arrangement. They reflect growing demands for accountability, representation, and local ownership of political decision-making.
How this issue is addressed will shape not only the future of AJK’s governance but also broader perceptions of democratic participation and self-rule.
The question is no longer whether reform should be discussed. The question is how to create a system that respects history while ensuring that democratic authority ultimately rests with the people who call AJK home.
Muhammad Hamza is pursuing a degree in International Relations at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. His academic interests include diplomacy, security studies, and conflict resolution.