Time for National Reconciliation
Dr Syed Akhtar Ali Shah
Peshawar: Democracy in Pakistan has always struggled to establish stable footing. The recent political turmoil, exemplified by the tragic events in Islamabad during PTI’s protest, highlights the nation’s continuing challenges in upholding democratic principles.
This protest, demanding the release of PTI’s leader and workers, the withdrawal of the 26th amendment, and the restoration of their political mandate, turned violent. The state’s response was characteristic protesters were labeled as fitna (hooligans) and traitors, with force deployed to disperse them, leading to casualties on both sides.
This tragic incident will be remembered as a dark spot in Pakistan’s history. It reminds me of my former principal, Dr Phil Edmond, who would often quote John Donne in our political science classes:
“No man is an island,
Entire of itself,
Every man is a piece of the continent,
A part of the main…
Any man’s death diminishes me,
Because I am involved in mankind.”
The deaths in Islamabad, much like past tragedies, symbolize a collective failure of the political system. They reflect a dangerous precedent where grievances are dismissed, dissent is suppressed, and the democratic process is obstructed.
The current crisis has been exacerbated by actions such as failing to hold elections within 90 days, depriving PTI of its election symbol, the Election Commission’s refusal to allot reserved seats despite the Supreme Court’s judgment, delays in deciding election petitions, and the continued detention of Imran Khan despite bails granted by the courts. These actions undermine trust in institutions and fuel political polarization.
Reflecting on Pakistan’s history, such incidents are far from isolated. They are part of a pattern where the state has repeatedly resorted to heavy-handedness to suppress dissent, often with disastrous consequences.
Historically, the Babbarra Massacre of August 12, 1948, serves as a grim reminder of the state’s brutality. Over 600 peaceful protesters were killed by state forces in Babrra, Charsadda. Similarly, the imposition of Urdu as the sole national language in East Pakistan, ignoring Bengali demands, led to bloody confrontations. Aspirations for equality and justice were met with bullets, as in Dhaka, where students’ protests were silenced with violence.
This lack of foresight culminated in East Pakistan’s secession. The refusal to transfer power to elected representatives and the military’s oppressive tactics led to the dismemberment of the country. Even after this debacle, the state failed to learn from its mistakes.
On March 23, 1973, during a public rally in Liaquat Bagh, the state actors attacked Awami National Party leader Khan Abdul Wali Khan’s supporters, killing dozens. In 1977, anti-Bhutto protests led to widespread violence and 50 deaths, culminating in General Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law, which suppressed democratic aspirations for 11 years.
The suppression of dissent persisted. The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) launched a movement against Zia’s regime, facing brutal state repression. In 1978, Nusrat Bhutto was severely injured at a Lahore rally and arrested while still recovering in the hospital.
The May 12, 2007, Karachi riots further demonstrated the state’s harsh measures. Known as “Black Saturday,” the riots resulted in 58 Pashtun deaths as the state cracked down on the movement for judicial independence.
Similarly, unrest in Balochistan reveals the long-standing issues of marginalization and suppression. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has consistently highlighted the lack of democracy in the province as a root cause of insurgency since 2003-2005. The killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti in 2006 only intensified grievances.
This pattern of heavy-handedness has not served the state well. While not all demands or actions of political entities are defensible, branding dissenters as traitors or using force to suppress them leads to greater polarization. Such measures erode trust in the state and foster resentment, pushing political discourse into dangerous territory.
Bilawal Bhutto Zardari aptly summarized this mindset when he remarked a few years back: “Is life now a fascist screenplay where if you don’t follow a script, you are declared a traitor?” Suppression of dissent, curtailment of fundamental rights like free movement, and the repression of assemblies reflect an authoritarian mindset that undermines individual liberty.
The Constitution guarantees these fundamental rights, but their practical application requires a culture of tolerance.
Given these historical parallels, it is essential to evaluate the recent Islamabad episode not in isolation but within this broader context. The government’s celebration of its temporary success in dispersing protesters overlooks the simmering tensions that remain.
Dialogue is the need of the hour. Confidence-building measures and adherence to the rule of law must be prioritized to prevent further polarization. Imran Khan has already been granted bail in all cases.
Filing new cases or impeding justice will only prolong the crisis. The government must recognize that political stability is a prerequisite for socio-economic progress.
If the state could negotiate agreements with TLP on two occasions and the Punjab cabinet suspended Mian Nawaz Sharif’s conviction, why not adopt a similar approach to Imran Khan and PTI?
Continuing the cycle of suppression will only deepen divisions and weaken democracy.
The way forward demands a break from the past. National reconciliation is no longer a choice—it is a necessity. Pakistan’s history is rife with examples of missed opportunities to heal divisions through dialogue.
This time, the government must rise above partisan interests and work collectively to address grievances. Confidence in democratic institutions can only be restored through meaningful engagement, adherence to constitutional principles, and the protection of fundamental rights.
The Islamabad episode, much like past tragedies, offers a stark reminder of the consequences of ignoring grievances. It is time to move beyond blame and build a united front for the greater good of the nation. Only through reconciliation can Pakistan chart a path toward political stability and progress.
The writer is former Secretary to Government Home & Tribal Affairs Department, retired IGP. He holds PHD in Political Science and is Chairman of National Think Tank & Good Governance Forum.
The article is the writer’s opinion, it may or may not adhere to the organization’s editorial policy.
