The Clash of Priorities

Seemab Khan

Peshawar: The current wave of opposition to the state’s approach to its subjects in the tribal belt resulted in a large gathering in Islamabad, criticizing the nation’s leadership for their subservience to undemocratic elements.

As a result, many viewpoints have emerged regarding the Pashteen resistance movement. On the one hand, some see this movement as a threat to national security, tarnishing it as a proxy of India. Others regard the movement as a defender of Pashtun peace, and stability, as the fundamental rights enshrined in Pakistan’s constitution.

These opinions, however, can be clarified by an objective and critical approach characterised by questioning and seeking solutions.

Historically, in Pashtun society and culture, music functions have been integral parts of Pashtun marriage ceremonies and gatherings in general. The Pashtun way of life was far more liberal than the liberals of the West. The individual behavior and conduct of affairs were guided by tribal customs and values.

Women had a fair share in every field of life, especially the economy. Agriculture was the primary source of revenue, and so women worked hand in hand with their male partners in farming and other necessary activities. Hence, they were not treated as slaves like in modern-day Pashtun’s society which has been badly affected by the injection of radical approaches for various proxy endeavors.

Regarding the conduct of affairs, there used to be a council of elders that would have the authority over legislation, executions, and adjudication. All the tribal issues with contested interests that often lead to acute and aggressive actions have been settled and looked after by the council of elders.

Although there were no written laws with legal punishment, there was still no impunity for the violation of tribal codes of conduct (tribal customs and usages); thus, there was a life of happy, prosperous, and civilized people. Though a peaceful transition and development in Pakistan’s society were first disrupted by the coloniser, the same legacy has been continued by the state of Pakistan.

As the British Empire’s realm was expanding, the colonial master delineated the frontier, separating Afghanistan from British India in 1893. The resulting Durand Line cut straight through the tribal areas of the Pashtuns which later became part of Pakistan.

Henceforth, for tactical reasons, the British left the tribal areas totally isolated from the rest of India to govern themselves under the supervision of British political agents. No political reforms or traditions could ever develop in these areas for a long time.

The British strategy for dealing with the Pashtun’s local customs and power relations was based on three pillars: the tribal Maliks; political agents; and the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). The Maliks served as the local elite for the British; they ensured that British caravans could trade with Afghanistan via safe routes in the tribal areas in return for benefits and subsidies.

The political agent, meanwhile, was the senior bureaucrat, who served as chief executive for different tribal agencies. He was the main contact for the tribal maliks and was bestowed with the power to suspend or cancel the malik status when deemed necessary. The FCR was a brutal set of criminal and civil laws that resolved intra-tribe conflicts and punished the accused.

Since partition, the Pakistani state has maintained in the FATA region a colonial system that has been driven by the desire to use this territory as a geostrategic space to influence events in Afghanistan. To justify the isolation of the area, often referred to as ilaqa ghair (foreign land), FATA has been portrayed as part of Pakistan and, at the same time, apart from Pakistan, as if the real Pakistan stopped at the left bank of the Indus.

The people belonging to this region have endured years of neglect by the state, with little to no investment in their development. A society that was once prosperous and content has been deceptively plunged into poverty, resulting in intellectual subjugation, all with the intention of using this land as a buffer zone.

The 1980s, marked by the so-called Afghan Jihad and a sudden proliferation of religious institutions, diverted attention away from education, business and culture. This had profound consequences for Pashtun society, leading to radicalism, extremism and the abandonment of fundamental rights by the state.

A society that once held liberal values is now unfairly stigmatised as one of the most dangerous, especially for its women and way of life. State negligence in providing adequate education, employment, healthcare and development opportunities has pushed the population towards militancy as it became their sole source of income. Some sources suggest that Pashtuns in the tribal belt were indoctrinated from childhood, with the syllabus shifting from ‘B for Ball’ to ‘B for Bomb’.

In such circumstances, should an individual’s efforts and demonstrations against unfortunate state of affairs be labelled as treacherous acts against the state? I leave the answer to the people.

Seemab Khan is a political science student at UST Bannu.

The article is the writer’s opinion, it may or may not adhere to the organization’s editorial policy.