Syria in Melting Pot!
Ishtiaq Ahmed
Bradford: Syria, a country long plagued by civil war and ruled with an iron fist by the Assad dynasty, is entering yet another chapter of civil strife and uncertainty.
Key external players, such as the United States, Russia, Turkey, and Iran, appear to have largely resigned themselves to the eventual collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime and his government operatives.
The headline from Sky News aptly captures the stance of Assad’s former allies, Russia and Iran: “Assad’s fall ‘not surprising’ as Russia and Iran decide to throw ‘Syria under the bus.’”.
Recent reports from Damascus indicate that Bashar al-Assad has fled to an undisclosed location, while rebel forces have taken control of the capital. The military command of the takeover forces has announced the initiation of a power transfer process.
Their statement reads: “The great Syrian revolution has transitioned from the struggle to overthrow the Assad regime to the struggle to build a united Syria worthy of the sacrifices of its people.”
The new controlling forces have issued directives prohibiting celebratory gunfire, interference with public institutions, and harm to private property under any circumstances.
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Syria has arrived at this critical juncture after nearly two weeks of intense conflict led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) under the leadership of Ahmad al-Sharaa, also known as Jolani.
This development seemed inevitable as Russia, Assad’s principal ally, declined to intervene. Similarly, Iran, another key supporter, distanced itself due to its own precarious domestic and international challenges.
The United States also seems to be content with HTS takeover which historically was designated as a terrorist organisation with ties to Al-Qaeda. Jolani himself has been labelled a terrorist by Washington.
Turkey, however, has consistently supported the rebel forces and is now positioning itself to work with the new regime following the takeover.
Western media has already begun casting doubt on the viability of the new regime, emphasising HTS’s historical connections to Al-Qaeda, Hamas, and other Islamist groups. Experts based in London have criticised the new leadership, accusing them of being anti-freedom, anti-women, and anti-progress.
These criticisms echo the familiar narratives used to undermine change in Afghanistan, now a recurring feature in the broader discourse against upheaval in the Islamic world.
The challenges facing the new regime are immense, particularly in fostering unity. While a common cause often masks divisions during conflict, these differences tend to resurface when factions vie for power and influence in the aftermath.
A repeat of the post-conflict chaos seen in Iraq (2003) and Libya (2011) is a genuine risk.
Looking ahead, Turkey’s role will be pivotal to the success of the new government. Meanwhile, the long shadow of the Assad dynasty remains, even as Bashar al-Assad himself has fled.
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The roots of the current crisis can be traced back to 2011 and earlier. That year, pro-democracy protests erupted across Syria, demanding an end to the authoritarian Assad regime that began under Bashar’s father, Hafez al-Assad, in 1971.
These demonstrations were brutally suppressed by Assad’s military and paramilitary forces, setting the stage for the prolonged and violent struggle that has culminated in the current takeover.
The repercussions of these events extend beyond Syria’s borders. Reports suggest that Israel has already sent reinforcements to the occupied Golan Heights, which shares a border with Syria. Historically, Israel supported Bashar al-Assad, viewing him as a stabilising presence despite his authoritarian rule.
Russia has begun withdrawing some of its personnel from Syria, though it remains determined to retain its strategic military assets, including the Hmeimim airbase and the naval port at Tartus.
The fall of Assad’s regime may inspire similar movements in other Muslim-majority countries under autocratic rule.
While these events may embolden pro-democracy forces, they are likely to send shockwaves through regimes that rely on military power rather than popular consensus to maintain control.
The author is a British citizen of Pakistani origin with a keen interest in Pakistani and international affairs.
The article is the writer’s opinion, it may or may not adhere to the organization’s editorial policy.
