Stifling of Democracy in Pakistan
Mohammad Ajeeb
London: Pakistan is presently undergoing an election process of a kind to elect national and provincial governments.
This is another make-believe attempt to put democracy back on track in a country that has consistently experienced democratic failures over the last seven decades with military interventions, short-lived elected governments, and dictatorships.
These elections have assumed a particular significance following the ousting of Imran Khan and his subsequent imprisonment. Imran Khan, with all his contradictions and political imprudence, still remains perhaps the most popular politician leader despite his imprisonment and disqualification.
It would be interesting to see whether the two main political parties vying for power—PPP and PML-N—have managed to sufficiently discredit and isolate Imran Khan to avoid public reaction.
It is against this background that I pen this short piece.
The basic principles of democracy are that the people have the right to influence public decisions and decision-makers, and that they should be treated with equal respect and as of equal worth in the context of such decisions.
In a nutshell, the concept of democracy without embracing its certain fundamental ideals and beliefs, for example, the freedom of assembly, freedom of speech for all, including minority interests, protection of civic and civil rights, and the right to dissent without punitive reprisals, Without these basic fundamentals, the very notion of democracy is meaningless and contrived.
It is against these basic democratic ideals that we must assess Pakistan’s past and present attempts to achieve democracy and ask ourselves whether anything is or would be different this time around.
Sadly, more or less, soon after the inception of Pakistan, the meaning and definition of democracy was deliberately misconstrued and distorted to preserve the power base of the political feudal families. Over the years, this by and large has not changed, and it seems no different this time around.
The roots of the current political malaise lay in the past. After the assassination of the first prime minister of the country, Liaqat Ali Khan, in October 1951, an unwritten nexus between the politicians, nearly all feudal lords of Punjab or former members of British establishment in India, and a newly established army was conceived and agreed to govern the new state on the British colonial design, which involved imposing the will of the rulers on people rather than seeking their consent and participation.
The seven long decades of perpetual conspiracy of discouraging the development of democracy has conditioned the people to almost accept dynastic and military rule as the norm, with the false hope of a better future.
The ruling elites have carefully constructed their design around state security, ‘Islam in danger’ rhetoric and the rights of Kashmiris against the forced occupation and coercion of their rights by India.
Consequently, Pakistan has not only lost half of the country but also given further roots to divisiveness and discord across all provinces.
Even in the present elections, we are not seeing anything different. It is more of the same. Political leaders are more concerned with protecting and securing their dynastic power and hold in direct contradiction of fundamental democratic values. Given this, democracy in Pakistan seems like a very distant reality. When in power, political leaders often act worse than military dictators.
Just getting votes at elections by hook or crook and spending huge amounts of their wealth to buy and manipulate voters is not a democracy. 70% of the disfranchised population is goaded to cast their votes either in ignorance or by force. These poor and deprived masses are just political fodder and are used conveniently when needed.
The military establishment is still the most organised, disciplined, and powerful institution of the country, and it is unrealistic to expect it to be democratic despite certain setbacks in the last 2 years. Being democratic is not part of the professional training and indoctrination of being a soldier.
The present political setup and its leadership do not wish to upset the nexus, which has protected their hold for decades. Why should they change the system which has protected their privileges for decades, enabling them to rule the people without any fear of accountability? They have been able to do as they pleased.
In Pakistan, the process of stifling democracy has been practiced for far too long. The incumbents of the country’s principal institutions behave and act with fear of accountability and with confidence that they can almost escape any scenario of being held responsible for their abuse and misuse of powers. This has resulted in the whole system of governance being fractured beyond repair.
The undemocratic practices which have become entrenched in the system have undoubtedly caused the growth of incompetence, a lack of empathy, corruption, and unruly behaviour at every level of governance, encouraged by the political ruling classes.
There is no concept of public service. It is all about protecting personal and family power and privileges. This is particularly being seen in abundance across the main political parties that may form the next government.
Therefore, against this historical background of persistent and consistent misuse, abuse, and stifling and constricting of democracy in all the spheres of life in Pakistan, it would be naive to hope and expect for free, transparent, and fair elections on the 8th of this month.
It is an open secret which political parties are favourites of the establishment and which ones are under the wrath. For example, there is no level playing field for PTI.
The establishment seems determined to exclude PTI from the process of campaigning for the elections and contesting freely. There is no justification in punishing all members of the PTI because of the some who erroneously took part in the violent attacks on military installations.
The conduct of Imran Khan, when in power, was far from democratic. His political imprudence and lack of foresight miscalculated the power of the military establishment. His unnecessary rhetoric, the manifestation of overvindictiveness, and a strong sense of egoism and arrogance contributed much to his downfall.
Almost all politicians in Pakistan, when they reach the heights of power, forget that they are there because of the people’s support. They act like absolute dictators, even though they are fully aware of the fate meted out to their predecessors.
The results of the elections on February 8 are a forgone conclusion. There will be more of the same. Pakistan has suffered enormously at the hands of undemocratic, incapable, and power-hungry political and military leaders who not only deliberately ignored their mistakes but continued to repeat them, thus inflicting ineffable and irretrievable damage both to democracy and the country.
Elections are not a panacea for all the ills facing Pakistan and, in the event of not being free and fair, will not be accepted by the aggrieved parties. Hence, the political, social, and economic instability of the country may worsen, giving rise to calls for re-election. Even using undemocratic tactics may not easily be ignored.
Restoration of participatory democracy in the country without interruption and interference will not only bring political and economic stability and prosperity, but more importantly, peace, unity, solidarity, and respect for all institutions, including the military.
On the other hand, by shunning and denying the legitimate role of democracy and not allowing it to flourish freely, Pakistan will continue to face growing polarisation, social and religious unrest, frustration, and despondency. The combination of all these factors will produce chaos and even violence of unmanageable dimensions.
It is very difficult to predict the outcome of the current national and provincial elections. With Imran Khan out of the way and PTI disintegrating, the path is clear for the PPP and the PML-N to make headway.
In my assessment, neither will achieve an overall majority to form the next government. It is an open question as to which of these two will be returned as the largest party without an overall majority. It is likely that the next government will be a coalition of some sort.
The author is former Lord Mayor of Bradford UK.
The article is the writer’s opinion, it may or may not adhere to the organization’s editorial policy.
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