Pakistan’s Road to Democracy Fault Lines

Democracy is a process which evolves and takes root over a prolonged period of time. In Britain, for example, it has taken over two centuries for it to become embedded. The process has to be continuous, unhindered by anti-democratic forces.

Since, the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Pakistan’s democratic journey has been frequently circumvented by military interventions thus preventing democracy to take hold.

Secondly, democracy is a ‘bottom-up’ as opposed to a ‘top-down’ approach which can’t be meaningfully accomplished without a heightened level of political literacy amongst the masses. This in itself only comes through a broad-based, expansive and inclusive education system across all strata of society.

Without dwelling too much on this point, in Pakistan, the education landscape is extremely uneven both in access and quality. Pakistan spends less than 2 per cent of its GDP on education which in this day and age is nothing short of a catastrophic anomaly. Inadequate investment and directionless planning combined with political instability continues to deny millions of children their basic education right. There still remain vast areas in the country without basic education facilities.

Thirdly, for democracy to flourish, it requires some semblance of affordability i.e. access to opportunities, resources and sustainable incomes. About 35 per cent of Pakistanis live below the poverty line. Out of some 40 million Pakistani children, 3.8 million work to support their families. Child labour, despite successive governments’ attempts to address this issue, child labour remains rife.

Political participation in Pakistan is priced out of the reach for the nation’s majority. It has become a game for a select few elites. One either has to be rich or have the ability to secure backers in return for political favours. Millions get squandered by those vying to get elected in the hope that they will recoup their spent with interest when in power.

There is no space for people in the political arenas without securing patronage. This, by and large, has confined the country’s political leadership in hands of the Industrial/ feudal dynasties and those with wealth and patronage.

It is against this background that we assess the current political conundrum facing Pakistan I.e. the tug of war between Imran Khan and the make-shift coalition currently in government.

In between the extended periods of military rule, PML-N and PPP have shared power, never anybody else. The progeny of the leadership across both political parties has grown up expecting to inherit positions of power in a dynastic fashion. Both parties have become family affairs. Any level of challenge to this iron-like hold is vehemently resisted.

The public by and large is politically illiterate, mainly immersed in carving out a basic living. For a long time many believed that there was no alternative to the PML/ PPP monopoly.  Therefore, the arrival of Imran Khan, in the disguise of PTI, initially not taken seriously but when he  did surprise by actually winning the 2018 elections, ow and behold, it  released a torrent of allegations against him from the established political heirs of PML-N and PPP.

This concerted ploy to discredit Imran Khan by any means necessary, eventually, resulted in the vote of no-confidence in PTI’s government on April 10 this year which saw him walking out of the Nationally Assembly in protest. He felt that with his public popularity, he would be better placed to mount his political challenge to the make-shift coalition leadership from the outside.

The walkout from the National Assembly was a gross misjudgement on part of Imran Khan and PTI. He was put there by electorates in trust and should have stayed there to be their critical voice. By walking out he abrogated his responsibility, as well as showing utmost disrespect to the country’s principal democratic institution.

His walkout also left the Chamber floor clear for the coalition government to carry out their agenda unhindered which included steps to prevent his return. It was emotional, ill-considered and, on any account, badly advised decision. Subsequent, this has been shown to be the case.

The recent Election Commission of Pakistan‘s decision to disqualify Imran Khan from holding an elected office was the result of a  concerted effort by his political detractors to take him out of the political equation.

The case of accessing gifts given by foreign dignitaries from the state gift depository (also called Toshakhana) was calculatedly filed against him by a member of PML-N in August of this year.

Imran Khan also suffered the indignity of being taken to the High Court on ‘terrorism’ related charge. Although, the charge was dismissed, it demonstrated the length to which the authorities are prepared to go to take him out of the game. Had he been convicted of the alleged terrorism charge, he would have been sent to prison for life. It is abundantly, clear that the coalition leaders will do whatever in their powers to take him out.

Shariff and Zardari dynasties  hold Imran Khan responsible for creating a dent in their political hold. Imran’s case is not helped by his own inconsistencies and contradictions. It seems that his dislike of Sharif brothers and Zardari clan, which was patently obvious even before he moved into the premiership role, continues to cloud his thinking.

His pre-occupation with exposing their corruption and bringing them to justice, whilst being laudable, completely distracted him from his declared manifesto pledges-new leadership, rooting out corruption, youth empowerment, law & order, better education, better health and secure employment for the masses. Apparently, his energy and vigour is consumed on these pressing issues.

He, however, was temporarily able to improve the image of Pakistan overseas, instigate improvements in the tourism infrastructure and re-ignite public interest and engagement with political leadership and political institutions thus rekindling hope.  However, his importune visit to Russia at the breakout of Ukraine war was misguided. It served to alienate most of the West – from him and Pakistan.

Whilst at the helm of the government, Imran Khan’s self-centred style tinged with arrogance, alienated him even from some of his closest allies. He almost forgot the fact that his political hold in the National Assembly was fragile based on coalition of dispirited factions. Some of the defectors from his ranks at the time of no-confidence vote left for the reasons of being persistently ignored and marginalised by him.

Of course, others were allegedly bought off.

The more, Imran Khan appears to be man in identity crisis, caught between western style of life   and the Islamic values, a classic case of being caught in two cultures. He has never been able to comfortably marry these two identities together thus adding further contradictions to his personality.

Imran Khan’s downfall from the power is as a result of combined efforts of elements which make up the establishment. During his tenure he managed to annoy almost all of them. We know from the history, that any threat to the ‘establishment’ is vehemently resisted and repelled.

Military regards itself being the custodian of the country, protecting it from both internal and external threats.

Military’s roots are deep and extensive within the fabric of Pakistan. Therefore, by necessity, political leadership has to tread circumspectly, as not to antagonise the military establishment. Imran Khan’s hot and cold approach to military leadership did nothing to cement his relationship with the country’s most powerful institution.

Khan feels he was derailed by Sharif and Zardari families. Therefore, he is hitting back. This ‘tit -for-tat’ toxic nature of politics is not helping either set of politicians to focus on social and economic issues plaguing Pakistan.

What is being practiced is ‘politics of personal revenge’ and no longer a politics of state for the collective benefit of the public. National issues have become subservient or being put on the back burner to pursue and safeguard personal interests. All shades of senior politicians are the major contributories to the present revenge laden nature of political scenarios facing the beleaguered nation.

The way forward has to be through discussions and compromise for the greater good. This applies to Coalition leaders, and Imran Khan. Intransigent positions of all sides will plunge the country into further political crisis, destroying any prospect of economic recovery that could reverse the misery of masses.

Long marches, public protests and boycotts are not the need of the day. It is about burying the hatchets and restarting the rebuilding of our nation through conciliations and compromises before it is too late.